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95 Posts
Discussion Starter · #1 · (Edited)
Illinois has been blasted with anti gun bills that the Governor has stopped some of by veto. Without his veto, gun ownership in Illinois would be in the toilet. He is up for election against one of the 50 richest men in America. Recently, a third party candidate - very conservative - has entered the race.

Now that Sam McCann has entered the Governor's race as an independent, Gov. Rauner has very little chance of beating JB the Hut. Sam will be the spoiler. The gun owners of Illinois do need to try very hard to help Rauner however by spreading the word and encouraging others to vote for Rauner.

JB anti-gun?

From a Pritzker Group bio:

he currently is Chairman of the Advisory Board of the Illinois Council Against Handgun Violence.

From out of state:

“Lt. Gov. Gavin Newsom’s Safety for All Committee reported Pritzker gave $150,000 in January and another $100,000 in March." This is a quasi official group getting anti gun propositions on the ballot in California.

From His own Mouth to a downstate newspaper where gun control is not popular:

" Reducing gun violence is a top priority for me. Too many families and communities across this state, from Chicago to Rockford to Peoria, are too familiar with the tragedies of gun violence. It is killing innocent people, destroying families, and ripping apart our communities. Reducing gun violence requires us to address the root causes by funding a budget that supports human services and creating jobs — something Bruce Rauner hasn’t done in three years in office.

My criminal justice reform plan includes a public health approach to addressing gun violence and holding law enforcement accountable. My plan includes changes to current gun laws that would increase firearm safety and fight the proliferation of illegal guns in Illinois.

As governor, I will also prioritize community programs like CeaseFire that interrupt violence at the local level. I would oppose attempts to legalize silencers in Illinois, support legislation that creates a Lethal Violence Order of Protection, and sign a gun dealer licensing bill. To stop the flow of illegal guns into Illinois, I will work with stakeholders to create a consortium of states to stop gun trafficking across state lines, and support amending Illinois’ “lost and stolen law” to discourage illegal gun trafficking. I will work to create a dedicated gun crime investigation unit within state police that coordinates with local police departments to focus on illegal gun trafficking and gun crime. We also need an inter-agency working group to evaluate our progress in providing prohibiting records to the federal NICS background check system.

We need universal background checks and a lethal violence of protection order so that families can step in to protect loved ones from harming themselves and others. I also support banning assault weapons and high capacity magazines in Illinois to help prevent mass shootings."

His hotel chain (Hyatt) is posted against concealed carry.

The two other options are to move out of state or give up our guns. Without a doubt there will be a court battle that could end up in the U.S. Supreme Court but that will take years and by that time, some will be dead, some will be in prison, and many will be without their guns.

There is also the issue of a dollar a round tax on ammunition that has already been floated in Cook County.

95 Posts
Discussion Starter · #4 ·
FYI - Current Numbers and names

Rauner Donors (Top 25)
Bruce Rauner $95,276,000.00 Dec 20, 2016
Kenneth Griffin $36,089,295.18 Dec 21, 2017
Republican Governors Association $8,700,500.00 Feb 17, 2015
Illinois Republican Party $3,593,644.53 Mar 09, 2018
Richard Uihlein $2,605,300.00 Dec 30, 2014
Target Enterprises $745,655.00 Oct 01, 2014
Elizabeth Christie $405,300.00 Oct 09, 2014
Edgar Jannotta, Jr. $400,000.00 Sep 02, 2014
Illinois Manufacturers Association $360,000.00 Nov 03, 2014
Donald Edwards $305,300.00 Jun 19, 2018
Glen Tullman $280,300.00 Oct 07, 2014
Kent Dauten $280,300.00 Jun 29, 2018
Digital Greensigns $269,942.85 Jun 12, 2018
Illinois State Medical Society PAC $250,209.60 Oct 10, 2014
Paul Singer $250,000.00 Sep 23, 2014
MacLean-Fogg Company $226,599.63 Sep 11, 2014
Alpine Bancorporation, Inc. $223,599.50 Oct 16, 2014
Manufacturers PAC $215,000.00 Oct 24, 2014
William Kunkler $205,300.00 Feb 06, 2018
Joe Mansueto $205,300.00 May 23, 2014
Cash on Hand $39,458,106.40

Sam McCann Top 25 Donors (since announcing for Governor)
IUOE Engineers Political Education Committee $100,000.00 May 16, 2018
Construction & General Laborers' Dist Council $58,900.00 Mar 19, 2018
I.U.O.E. LOCAL 150 $58,500.00 Apr 16, 2018
Cash on Hand $292,325.58

JB Pritzker Top 25 Donors
JB Pritzker $106,500,034.95 May 31, 2018
Matthew Pritzker $250,000.00 Jun 22, 2018
Liz Lefkofsky $50,000.00 Jun 18, 2018
Illinois Education Association $42,486.22 Jun 15, 2018
Jon Ballis $15,000.00 Jun 22, 2018
Berkley Net $9,419.00 Feb 27, 2018
Office Depot $3,621.67 Mar 19, 2018
MNJ Technologies Direct, Inc. $2,970.31 Nov 20, 2017
Best Buy $2,775.76 Mar 13, 2018
Networking Technologies & Support, Inc. $1,404.00 Jul 01, 2017
The Tremont Hotel $1,162.67 Jul 19, 2017
Matthew Lindberg $1,149.60 Aug 31, 2017
Michael Alter $1,000.00 May 24, 2018
Treasurer of the City of Chicago $1,000.00 Sep 12, 2017
Steven Collens $1,000.00 May 25, 2018
Mitchel Greenberg $1,000.00 May 24, 2018
Harley Korman $1,000.00 Jun 11, 2018
White Elephant Hotel $770.73 Jul 17, 2017
ComEd $760.19 Jan 16, 2018
Kara Zubo $697.77 Sep 19, 2017
Cash on Hand $38,468,525.62

​JB has already spent over $100,000,000 on advertising, etc.

95 Posts
Discussion Starter · #6 ·
THE BUZZ: A new independent poll shows Democratic challenger J.B. Pritzker with a commanding 16-percentage-point lead over incumbent Republican Gov. Bruce Rauner. The survey, conducted by NBC News/Marist, has 46 percent of registered Illinois voters backing Pritzker, compared to 30 percent supporting Rauner. Libertarian nominee Kash Jackson is at 6 percent in the poll, and third-party candidate Sam McCann is at 4 percent.

We need to all reach out to any Illinois voter we can influence.

28,610 Posts
THE BUZZ: A new independent poll shows Democratic challenger J.B. Pritzker with a commanding 16-percentage-point lead over incumbent Republican Gov. Bruce Rauner. The survey, conducted by NBC News/Marist, has 46 percent of registered Illinois voters backing Pritzker, compared to 30 percent supporting Rauner. Libertarian nominee Kash Jackson is at 6 percent in the poll, and third-party candidate Sam McCann is at 4 percent.

We need to all reach out to any Illinois voter we can influence.
POLLS ! never trust polls. lets go back to Trump! remember the accuracy of the polls! its not over until its over!! get out and vote.

1,345 Posts
Wut is universal background check?
We have it here in Washington. It means that no firearm can be transferred from one person to another without a nics check, even private sales or gifts. It's another feel-good liberal solution that has no impact whatsoever on crime.

222 Posts
Wut is universal background check?

Universal background checks, which require anyone purchasing a firearm to undergo a background check. That applies equally to private purchases, so any sale of a firearm - at all - must involve a background check.. this also applies to private transfers, gifts etc...
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95 Posts
Discussion Starter · #14 ·
Jeannie Ives has formally backed away from supporting Sam McCann which may help. JB the Hutt is now being sued by campaign staffers for racism.

95 Posts
Discussion Starter · #15 ·
From LinkedIn:

If you are an investor thinking about Illinois, I would recommend waiting until the results of the Governor's election are in. If the incumbent wins (Rauner) proceed with caution. If the challenger (JB Pritzker) wins, don't even think about it. While Rauner has made many mistakes, they were primarily because he wasn't an experienced politician and because he tried to do too much, too quickly. Pritzker is also inexperienced, but worse, his motivation is purely intended to bolster his ego. Nothing he has done in his life came from anything other than inherited wealth and he badly needs to reassure himself that he actually has worth.

Most of Illinois geographically will vote for Rauner on November 6, but it won’t make a lot of difference. Political scientists divide Illinois into three sections. First there’s Chicago, which fills almost all of Cook County. Then there’s the Chicago suburbs. And then there’s everywhere else. Technically, everywhere else is called “downstate.”. Chicago, politically, is as blue as a Cubs cap, of course. The once reliably red suburbs slip occasionally toward a pale periwinkle, though experts differ on when or whether the change will be permanent. Everywhere else, 90 percent of the state’s landmass, is Republican. It’s not unheard of in the last 20 years for a statewide Republican candidate to carry every county but one or two and still lose his race, so long as Cook County is one of the counties he loses.

Rauner’s victory in 2014 was a kind of reverse fluke. He lost Cook County, he won the suburbs and downstate, and he still managed to win the election, though his popular vote barely rose above 50 percent. He became the first Republican governor since a man named George Ryan won in 1999. But this underestimates the uniqueness of Rauner’s victory: Republicans and Democrats had rotated in and out of the governor’s mansion in the capital of Springfield for 40 years without much change in the way the state was governed. A lot of them were crooks—four of Rauner’s nine predecessors, including Ryan, went to jail. Alone among recent governors, Rauner ran as a radical: a reformer who promised to upend, in fact to reverse, the way his predecessors had governed the state. Staying out of jail would be a bonus.

Four years later, Rauner and his critics, Republicans and Democrats alike, agree that his efforts at reform haven’t succeeded, although they differ on why this is so. Rauner’s chief problem in his re-election, according to polls, is that his critics include two out of every three voters in the state. The three most recent surveys put his support at 30, 32, and 27 percent. Pritzker, a billionaire businessman from Chicago, runs 15 to 20 points ahead. “He’s the most unpopular governor in the history of the state,” says Christopher Z. Mooney, a political scientist at the University of Illinois at Chicago. No one disputes this. The question is what comes in the wake of Rauner’s failure. And everyone seems to agree that Chicago, for all its crime and fiscal mismanagement, will thrive after its fashion, as one of the great cities of the world. And the suburbs will probably trail along after Chicago. But downstate . .

Even in the midwest, Illinois stands out for its economic nightmare. Adam Schuster, an economist with the Illinois Policy Institute, a conservative think tank stated “We’re not functionally insolvent. But we’re right on the doorstep.” Estimates of the state government’s debt vary wildly, but the watchdog group Truth in Accounting puts the number at $216 billion, including unpaid current accounts and unfunded obligations such as pensions—especially pensions. This jaw-dropping figure places Illinois 48th out of the 50 states. Credit agencies rate Illinois’s general obligation bonds at just above junk status. The state avoids junk ratings, analysts say, only because it retains the power to tax and thus, theoretically, the power to balance its books at a single confiscatory stroke. For practical purposes, in other words, Illinois’s bonds are junk.

For the last two years the state operated without a budget, greatly adding to the general air of political and economic chaos. Finally a group of Republican legislators in the capital joined with the Democratic majority this summer to cobble a compromise. The governor vetoed it, and the veto was overridden. The bipartisan compromise raised the state income tax rate from 3.75 to 4.95 percent—the reason for the governor’s veto. Among the 50 states, Illinois’s income tax rate is only middling, ranking from 25th to 36th depending on who’s doing the counting, but overall its total average tax burden, according to the economic research firm WalletHub, is the worst in the country. A home-owning family in Illinois earning the U.S. median income of $55,000 can expect to pay 14.89 percent of that to the state. For comparison’s sake, they would pay 11.86 percent if they moved next door to Indiana and just 5.67 percent for number one Alaska. In many Illinois municipalities it’s not unusual for owners of a house assessed in the $150,000-$200,000 range to be paying more in property taxes than in principal and interest on their mortgage.

People have, and are continuing to leave, Illinois. From 2015 to 2016, the U.S. Census Bureau tells us, 114,000 residents left Illinois, an out-migration rate of 9 per 1,000 citizens. What is even more frightening is that the number is expected to triple over the next two years if Pritzker wins the election. Based on a study done by an Illinois university, 47% of the populace has stated, that given the opportunity, they would leave Illinois. The overwhelming reason for the average Illinois resident was taxes, and the overwhelming reason for businesses was regulation and the workman's compensation rules and rates.

The current Governor has tried to change these things, but has been surprised to learn that the Chicago Democratic Machine had more power than he did as a sitting Governor. In 2014, Bruce Rauner thought he had it figured out. He ran for governor that year on a “Turnaround Agenda” to “shake up Springfield,” the sleepy capital famous for a sclerotic bureaucracy overseen by an inert, self-dealing legislature of part-time pols. As an outsider with very little political experience and a venture-capital fortune large enough to fund his own campaign, Rauner seemed the model of a selfless public servant.

Rauner’s turnaround agenda was admirably but also too ambitious: 44 separate reforms, including term limits for politicians, caps on property taxes, and dozens of other items designed to offend any constituency that had a strangle-hold on some coalition of state legislators. Tort reforms and workers’ compensation cutbacks (Illinois is often called the most litigious state in the country) would pass only over the dead, plump bodies of trial lawyers. Restoring sanity to the runaway pension system would lose him the votes of more than a million pensioners. A repeal of prevailing wage laws and compulsory union dues would run into the solid wall of legislators financed by state and municipal worker unions, who would also kill new apprenticeship programs designed to bypass organized labor.

Rauner decided to do everything all at once in his first year. He would advance each reform while also fulfilling his mandatory duty of reaching a budget deal with the same legislators the rest of his agenda was trying to emasculate. He looked surprised when the large Democratic majorities in both the senate and house were disinclined to help him. Rauner’s signal success came from outside the system. In 2015 he launched the lawsuit that came to the Supreme Court as Janus v. AFSCME—a landmark decision in the history of labor law forbidding unions from collecting dues from nonmembers.

The fight with Mike Madigan, the leader of the Chicago Democrats ended up freezing the budget. The mainstream media decided to take sides, and knowing better than to cross Madigan began to paint Rauner as the villain. Rauner was depicted in the press as a confused, petulant idiot rather than as a "Mister Deeds goes to Springfield".

In an attempt to placate his enemies to at least get part of what he had planned to do done, he compromised with some of his enemies on "social issues" and found himself in a vicious primary fight. Winning that primary by only a small margin, he found himself faced with all of Madigan's wrath and J.B. Pritzker, a billionaire willing to spend whatever it would take to win the Governor's race.

Pritzker is unwavering in his support for good things and fiercely opposed to the bad. Tax revenues are good things. He proposes to replace the state’s flat income tax, mandated by the constitution for now, though he declines to say who would pay the higher rates, aside, of course, from the rich (undefined). He is planning a “vehicle miles tax,” which would tax drivers for each mile they drive while monitoring the location of the vehicle in live time thanks to pricy GPS systems vehicle owners would be required to have installed. He wants Illinois to be the first state with statewide mandated rent control, that of course his hotels would be exempt from.

Pritzker is a part of state politics but only as it plays out in the smoke-filled back rooms of Chicago and Springfield. He has been the go to guy for Illinois Democrats for years. Pritzker inherited from one of the largest fortunes in the country, with holdings ranging from cruise lines to hotel chains. His main success has been to avoid the financial disasters his less discreet siblings and cousins have managed to engineer with their share of the family money.

This year he has pumped over $200 million of his own money into his campaign. The ads and the debates have become ugly along the way with the majority of media doing what they can to help Pritzker because they recognize Madigan is behind helping Pritzker spend his money. While Rauner tries to point this out, others belittle him as an excuse maker.

Madigan's ideology is whatever it takes. Madigan has moved with the direction of his party. He began his career, for instance, when Catholic politicians like him understood abortion to be murder, and he’s just as comfortable today with its status as the preeminent sacrament of feminist individualism. The purpose of a machine, as Madigan sees it, is the allocation among friends of the spoils of power: the jobs, contracts, services, and perquisites that government affords. It’s a very practical mindset. It’s all about ends and not means. And that kind of thinking doesn’t really require any one person to take responsibility for long-term planning of the government’s direction.”

Madigan is highly intelligent. When the legislature is in session he always eats dinner in the same seat at the same Springfield restaurant. Lunch is an apple, sometimes two, at his desk, and in meetings he seldom speaks: The signal that the meeting is over is when he starts eating the apple. He doesn’t use email and seldom a cell phone, preferring communication face to face. He recognizes the large FBI presence in Springfield, and is careful not to make the same mistakes others have made.

Madigan’s power is enforced quietly and without pity. Under house rules, all legislative staff report to the leader. All perks from office space to parking slots flow through his office. He has an active program of internships and apprenticeships, bringing in recruits from all over the state. Most important, he is not only the house majority leader, he is chairman of the state party. Every dollar of party campaign funding is under his control. Over the years a dozen wayward Democrats who crossed him on important votes have found themselves suddenly faced with primary challengers, well-funded and usually victorious. And every other Democratic officeholder knows it could happen to them.

“There’s one common denominator in Springfield over the last 40 years as the state has gotten deeper in trouble. And that’s Madigan. He was a delegate to the constitutional convention of 1970 when a provision was inserted into the new state constitution that state pensions, once enacted by the legislature, could never be reduced. Increases have been regular and untouchable ever since, thanks to Madigan and his colleagues, with the resulting horror stories that fill the state’s newspapers—like the retired teacher from the Chicago suburbs with a $452,000 pension payout. Eighty percent of the state’s last tax increase went to the pension system.

Sooner or later, a political machine becomes its own object: The purpose of the machine is to keep the machine alive. This is the evolutionary stage that the Chicago machine, downstate version, has reached over Madigan’s long reign. Rauner, given a second term, now has more experience and possibly could be more successful reversing it or at least obstructing it, but there is no sign that Pritzker, once elected, would care to. Governor Pritzker’s political destiny will likely resemble that of Louisiana’s Oscar K. Allen, a puppet that the state’s true ruler, Huey Long, installed in the governor’s chair in the 1930s. He earned the nickname “OK.” “A leaf blew in through OK’s office window yesterday,” one observer said. “He signed it.”

95 Posts
Discussion Starter · #16 · (Edited)
JB the Hut won:

To the tune of Love is Blue (number one on the charts in February 1968)

Blue, blue, my state is blue
Blue is my state now I’m stuck with you
Gray, gray, my life is gray
Cold is my heart since hope went away

Red, red, my eyes are red
Crying for the way you mess with my head
Green, green, my moneys gone
Your new taxes came with the dawn

When you spoke about guns fear gripped my heart
Cause I knew my guns and I soon would part

Lost, Lost, the rights I've known
Illinois's screwed, broke and alone
Gone, Gone, the rights I knew
Blue is my state now that I've got you

Illinois is Blue. Illinois is Blue
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